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https://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/handle/10635/169391
DC Field | Value | |
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dc.title | SINGAPOREAN NATIONAL IDENTITY | |
dc.contributor.author | CHIEW SEEN-KONG | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2020-06-05T03:32:42Z | |
dc.date.available | 2020-06-05T03:32:42Z | |
dc.date.issued | 1972 | |
dc.identifier.citation | CHIEW SEEN-KONG (1972). SINGAPOREAN NATIONAL IDENTITY. ScholarBank@NUS Repository. | |
dc.identifier.uri | https://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/handle/10635/169391 | |
dc.description.abstract | A long-standing problem in sociology is the adequate explanation of system integration despite group diversity. It is the basic problem of social change and social order. In multiethnic, multicultural, multilingual, or multireligious societies, one problem which has engaged the attention of governments and sociologists is how to overcome the divisiveness of ethnicity, culture, language, or religion. This is the problem of how to foster a national identity, which is inclusive and gratifying enough to transcend communal diversity and loyalty. Institutional duplication, which makes for social and cultural pluralism in a social system, accentuates communal differences or divisiveness. Broker institutions, on the other hand, provide social and cultural links between communities. Thus social integration means the crossing over of communal boundaries. Integrative attitudes are attitudes which favour the crossing over of communal lines. Bilingualism has broker functions, Legitimation of governmental nation-building policies reflects mutual acceptance of other communities. Mobilizational variables increase empathy. Satisfaction with life provides the bread-and-butter basis for identification with a livable social system. These six independent variables were postulated to vary directly with national identity. Singapore national identity was measured by twenty three indicators. Indices were constructed and tested for reliability, thereby reducing twenty three indicators to eight indices and indicators. The levels of Singapore national identity manifested by Singapore's electorate were high: (1) 90% called themselves Singaporeans; (2) 74% preferred to being called Singaporeans rather than being called Chinese, Malays, Indians, Eurasians, or Europeans; (3) 48% considered separation from Malaysia was good for Singapore, 32% were undecided, and only 20% preferred a Malaysian identity; (4) 80% had seen or heard three or more of Singapore's symbols of nationhood; (5) 66% expressed positive feeling toward three or more of the above; (6) 58% could date, name, or correctly describe three or more of the above; (7) 75% expressed positive feeling toward two or three of Singapore's symbols of national development; and (8) 74% professed that they were very or fairly willing to fight and die for Singapore. Out of 116 tests, 103 tests (89%) confirmed the theory that social integration, integrative attitudes, bilingualism, legitimation of nation-building policies, mobilization, and life satisfaction vary directly with national identity. Social integration from work to friendship was low. Attitudinally, tolerance was high, but acceptance was low. Communal exclusiveness in language and education is breaking down. The electorate perceived and endorsed equal treatment for all groups, but rejected the government's language policies. | |
dc.source | CCK BATCHLOAD 20200605 | |
dc.type | Thesis | |
dc.contributor.department | SOCIOLOGY | |
dc.contributor.supervisor | JOHN A. MACDOUGALL | |
dc.contributor.supervisor | RIAZ HASSAN | |
dc.description.degree | Master's | |
dc.description.degreeconferred | MASTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCES | |
Appears in Collections: | Master's Theses (Restricted) |
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