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https://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/handle/10635/165563
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dc.title | VIETNAM AND ITS INDOCHINESE NEIGHBOURS : EVOLUTION OF A SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP, 1930-1984 | |
dc.contributor.author | ISHTIAQ HOSSAIN | |
dc.date.accessioned | 2020-03-18T04:50:17Z | |
dc.date.available | 2020-03-18T04:50:17Z | |
dc.date.issued | 1989 | |
dc.identifier.citation | ISHTIAQ HOSSAIN (1989). VIETNAM AND ITS INDOCHINESE NEIGHBOURS : EVOLUTION OF A SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP, 1930-1984. ScholarBank@NUS Repository. | |
dc.identifier.uri | https://scholarbank.nus.edu.sg/handle/10635/165563 | |
dc.description.abstract | The controversy and polemics surrounding the Indochina Federation question have distorted our perception of Vietnam's role in Indochina. This thesis suggests an alternative mode for perceiving Vietnam's relations with its Indochinese neighbouring countries. The study uses the concept of special relationship in explaining Vietnamese relations with Laos and Cambodia. The thesis defines the term 'special relationship' as a state of affairs existing between two or among a group of states marked by identifiable distinctive features which set it apart from relationships which those countries may have with other countries of the world. The term 'special relationship' defined in this thesis is akin to an asymmetrical alliance in which one (the anchor-power) or a minority of members have the capability to alter significantly the costs and benefits for all members. This definition includes two factors, i.e., the key role that Vietnam played in the development of communism in Laos and Cambodia; and the special entitlements that the Socialist Republic of Vietnam feels it possesses because of its key role in communist affairs in Indochina. This study demonstrates the usefulness of such a definition in explaining the evolution of a special relationship between Vietnam and its two Indochinese neighbours between 1930 and 1984. The evolutionary process of this special relationship among the three countries in Indochina, has been a very long and arduous one. From a dilutory stage in the 1930s, it passed through various milestones before it could take on a concrete form in the 1980s. The findings in this study confirm that the Vietnamese communists treated the concept of Indochina Federation as a mechanism to forge the special relationship with the other two communist movements in Laos and Cambodia. In other words, the Vietnamese communist leadership saw the notion of Indochina Federation as a foreign policy model -- to build up a sub-regional system with its own unique features -- and, not as a constitutional mechanism to build a federation of the three Indochinese countries. The other mechanisms used by the Vietnamese to push forward the development of special relationship among the Indochinese countries included, among others, bilateral agreements (the October 1945 agreements between the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Lao Issara government); the formation of a united alliance of the three revolutionary forces (after the dissolution of the old ICP in 1951 into three different national fronts); attempts to coordinate military and politcal actions among the revolutionary forces by holding two Indochinese People's Summit Conferences, one in 1965 and the other in 1970. Although these efforts largely failed to give institutional shape to the special relationship, those provided lessons for the Vietnamese in the development of such a framework of relationship in the post-1975 years. Drawing upon experience from the earlier years, the SRV during the 1980s sought and succeeded in giving institutional shape to the special relationship among the three Indochinese countries by a system of formal treaties; agreements; regular meetings of governmental and party officials designed to coordinate their defence, foreign, and economic policies, and encouraging trade and other contacts between the provinces of three countries by a system of twining of sister provinces. The thesis demonstrates that both the Lao Democratic People's Republic and the People's Republic Of Kampuchea accept the framework of special relationship with the SRV as fundamental cornerstones in their foreign policies. They closely follow the Vietnamese stand on various regional and international issues. They follow the parameters of the special relationship framework in conducting their foreign policies. In other words, both the LPDR and the PRK conduct their foreign policies in such a way that do not upset the Vietnamese. Interestingly, on close observation this study has demonstrated the existence of flexibility and autonomy within the special relationship framework in Indochina. This refers to the SRV-LPDR relationship. For a number of reasons which are analysed in this thesis, the SRV has shown its readiness in giving certain leeways to the LPCR for conducting its relations with Thailand and China. However, there is a bottom line, that is nothing should threaten the SRV's special relationship with the LPCR. Obversely, one finds that the Vietnamese would like to implement the framework of special relationship more rigorously with the PRK. The SRV leadership takes the special relationship framework in Indochina very seriously. The other two countries also adhere closely to the Vietnamese position on the special relationship. In the past the Vietnamese have demonstrated their willingness to remove any challenge to this relationship. If the past is any guide for the future then it can be said that if the Vietnamese are challenged once again then they are most likely to repeat their past action to remove such a challenge. | |
dc.source | CCK BATCHLOAD 20200228 | |
dc.type | Thesis | |
dc.contributor.department | POLITICAL SCIENCE | |
dc.contributor.supervisor | LAU TEIK SOON | |
dc.contributor.supervisor | CHIN KIN WAH | |
dc.description.degree | Ph.D | |
dc.description.degreeconferred | DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY | |
Appears in Collections: | Ph.D Theses (Restricted) |
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